The Grey Wolves, known officially as Ülkü Ocakları ("Idealist Hearths"), are a Turkish ultranationalist and pan-Turkic organization that has exerted significant influence both inside and outside of Turkey for decades. Formed in the late 1960s as the paramilitary youth wing of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), the Grey Wolves emerged during a period of deep political polarization in Turkey. They were created to protect nationalist interests against what were seen as existential threats from communism, Kurdish separatism, and left-wing activism. Heavily influenced by the ideological writings of Alparslan Türkeş, a former military officer and longtime leader of the MHP, the Grey Wolves developed a worldview steeped in ethnic Turkish supremacy, anti-communism, and the dream of uniting all Turkic peoples from the Balkans to Central Asia under one political entity.
In the 1970s, Turkey was plunged into near-civil war conditions as right-wing and left-wing factions engaged in bloody street battles, assassinations, and political violence. The Grey Wolves became infamous for their involvement in these clashes, operating as a paramilitary force with links to the Turkish "deep state" — a hidden network of military, intelligence, and nationalist figures. During this time, they were implicated in hundreds of politically motivated murders, including attacks on intellectuals, trade unionists, and members of minority communities. Their symbol, a hand gesture representing a wolf’s head, became a feared and powerful image, closely associated with extreme violence and nationalist fervor.
One of the most notorious individuals linked to the Grey Wolves was Mehmet Ali Ağca, the man who attempted to assassinate Pope John Paul II in 1981. Ağca, who had been a member of the organization, was part of a wider network of militants that reportedly had connections not just to Turkish intelligence services but also to international extremist movements. While the full extent of the Grey Wolves' involvement in the plot against the Pope remains murky, the incident highlighted the group’s potential reach and the shadowy alliances that often characterized its activities.
Despite their violent reputation, the Grey Wolves also cultivated a strong presence within Turkish civil society. They organized cultural events, provided community services, and promoted education among Turkish youth — albeit with a heavy nationalist slant. Over time, particularly after the 1980 military coup in Turkey, the organization sought to clean up its public image. Many Grey Wolves leaders rebranded themselves as respectable politicians within the MHP or even in other nationalist-conservative parties. Nevertheless, their ideology remained anchored in aggressive nationalism, Islamism, and hostility toward perceived enemies of the Turkish nation, especially Armenians, Kurds, Greeks, and Western liberals.
In the post-Cold War era, the Grey Wolves adapted to new political realities. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened up new possibilities for pan-Turkic dreams, as newly independent Turkic states like Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan emerged. The Grey Wolves became active in these regions, often providing ideological and sometimes covert support to Turkic nationalist movements. At the same time, diaspora communities in Europe, particularly in Germany, Austria, and France, saw the rise of Grey Wolves chapters among Turkish immigrants. In these contexts, the group often clashed with Kurdish and Armenian organizations, sometimes leading to violent confrontations and political tensions.
The European Union has taken notice of the Grey Wolves’ activities, with countries like France moving to ban the organization in response to its extremist rhetoric and acts of violence against minority groups. The Grey Wolves' glorification of figures and events associated with massacres, particularly against Armenians, has drawn widespread condemnation. In Germany and Austria, authorities have monitored the group closely, concerned about its influence over segments of the Turkish diaspora and its potential to stoke ethnic tensions.
In modern Turkey, the Grey Wolves maintain a complicated relationship with the political establishment. While they are not officially part of the government, their ideological sympathies are often aligned with the ruling coalition between the MHP and the AKP (Justice and Development Party) led by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The Grey Wolves’ ideological emphasis on Turkish nationalism and conservative values has dovetailed with Erdoğan’s own blend of populist nationalism and political Islam. Critics argue that this relationship has given far-right elements a freer hand within Turkish politics and has contributed to the erosion of democratic norms, minority rights, and press freedoms.
Yet the Grey Wolves are not without internal tensions. Some members have expressed dissatisfaction with what they perceive as the MHP’s compromises in its alliance with the AKP, leading to splinter groups and new nationalist movements. The rise of figures like Meral Akşener, a former Grey Wolves member who founded the nationalist Good Party (İYİ Party), reflects these divisions and suggests that the ultranationalist landscape in Turkey is not monolithic.
Today, the Grey Wolves remain a potent symbol of a specific kind of militant Turkish nationalism — one that blends nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire, reverence for ethnic identity, and a readiness to resort to violence to achieve political goals. Their enduring presence, both within Turkey and abroad, speaks to the continuing appeal of hardline nationalism in an era of political uncertainty and societal fragmentation. While officially denounced by some as extremists and labeled as a terrorist organization by certain countries, they are hailed by their supporters as defenders of the Turkish nation against internal and external enemies. As Turkey continues to grapple with its complex identity between East and West, secularism and Islamism, democracy and authoritarianism, the Grey Wolves are likely to remain a controversial and influential force.
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